Anders Breivik killed 77 people in Norway. A decade on, 'the hatred is still out there' but his influence is seen as low

10년 전, Norwegian far-right extremist Anders Behring Brevik killed 77 사람들, many of them teenagers, in a bomb attack and gun rampage. The July 22 attacks left Norway, a small, close-knit Nordic country, stunned and grieving.

Just over a year later, Breivik was 선고 21 수감 년, the maximum possible term. And Norway, led by then-Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, came together in a show of unity in the wake of the deadliest violence seen there since World War II.
A decade on, the anniversary will be an occasion of great sadness for many in the country of just over 5 백만명. Several commemorative events are taking place Thursday in the capital, Oslo, and on Utoya Island, where the attacks took place.
    But it has also prompted questions about the wider impact of Breivik’s radical views on far-right extremismcirculated in a 1,500-page “선언서” shortly before the attacksand some soul-searching about how Norway deals with his legacy.
      In a national memorial address at Oslo Cathedral just two days after the attacks, Stoltenberg called formore democracy, more openness, and more humanity.
        Speaking with CNN’sAmanpourshow in an interview to mark the anniversary, Stoltenbergnow NATO secretary-generalrepeated that message and applauded the way Norwegians had responded. 그러나, he warned, 그만큼 “hatred is still out there.
        지난 달, the University of Oslo’s Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) published a series of analyses looking at Breivik’s long-term influence.
          The author of one of the reports, 박사. Jacob Aasland Ravndal, told CNN it appeared more limited than media coverage would suggest. “There was of course a lot of concern after the attacks that they would generate copycat attacks,” 그는 말했다. 그러나 “somewhat surprisingly,” 그는 말했다, there haven’t been many clear-cut cases of direct inspiration from Breivik.
          Rightwing extremist Anders Behring Breivik arrives in court on April 16, 2012 for the start of his trial.

          One of the more apparent links is to the shooting attack in Munich, 독일 칠월 22, 2016, in which an 18-year-old German-Iranian man killed nine people. The rampage was carried out on the fifth anniversary of the Norway attacks and the attacker had beentalking a lot about Breivik,” Ravndal said. “But he was also deeply inspired by many other figures,” Ravndal said, some of them school-shooters.
          The other obvious case is that of Brenton Tarrant, the Australian far-right terrorist who live-streamed an attack in which he killed 51 Muslim worshipers at two mosques in Christchurch, 뉴질랜드, 3 월 2019.
          But although Tarrant claimed to have been inspired by Breivik, investigators found that he had started his planning some time before he read Breivik’s manifesto. “So even there, you can question how much of an impact Breivik had,” Ravndal said. Tarrant’s own manifesto is very different from Breivik’s, including in its politics, 그는 덧붙였다.
          US Coast Guard officer Christopher Hasson, 누가 선고 13 수감 년 last year on weapons and drugs charges, consulted Breivik’s manifesto for tips on amassing weapons, 에 따르면 another of the papers published by C-REX. Prosecutors alleged that he was a White nationalist who was plotting an attack.
          Within Norway, research indicates that the far right has not gained much appeal overall since the attacks and has been unable to turn out supporters in any numbers on the streets, Ravndal said.
          Of course in Norway, as everywhere else, online activity has grown over these 10 연령,” 그는 말했다. “But whether that reflects a substantial increase of far-right activity or simply mirrors the growth of social media on the internet, that’s very difficult to say.

          Shooting spree

          On that quiet summer day in 2011, Breivik drove a van packed with a homemade fertilizer bomb into Oslo and parked it outside a government office. A few minutes later, it exploded, killing eight people, injuring many more and damaging several buildings.
          Firefighters work at the site of the explosion near government buildings in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, 칠월 22, 2011.

          Breivik, 그 동안에, had set off by car on the 25-mile trip to Utoya Island, where a Labour Party summer youth camp was taking place. Posing as a police officer who was checking on security following the Oslo attack, he caught a ferry to the island and carried out a shooting spree in which 69 people diedmost of them teenagers. Many others were seriously wounded.
          During his trial, Breivik boasted of being an ultranationalist who killed his victims to fight multiculturalism in Norway, saying he acted out ofnecessityto prevent theIslamizationof the country under the ruling center-left Labour Party.
          A court ruling meant his testimony was not televised, denying him a chance to broadcast his views to a wide audience. But Breivik believed his writings would inspire right-wing terrorists to follow in his footsteps.
          Police and emergency services gather following the massacre at a summer youth camp on July 22, 2011 on Utoya Island, 노르웨이.

          While parts of his three-book manifesto were lifted from other sources, such as the writings of “언나바머” Ted Kaczynski in the United States, Breivik also detailed his meticulous, years-long planning and gave strategic and operational advice.
          According to Professor Matthew Feldman, director of the UK-based Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right (CARR), Breivik’s document can stilleasilybe found in the darker reaches of the internet despite efforts to remove it.
          That manifesto wasparadigmatic,” Feldman said, “not just because it showed what one individual can do in terms of the horrific loss of lifebut also in its targeting of Muslims and what Breivik calledcultural Marxism.
          Even more importantly, Feldman said, Breivik’s case showed the dangers posed by lone-wolf actors who self-radicalize online through networks of like-minded individuals and carry out their preparations for violent attacks online, making them very hard to detect.
          동시에, Feldman said, there has been theslow rise, some would call it mainstreaming, of right-wing extremism,” helped in part by exposure on right-wing media platforms. “For some it was laid bare on 일월 6 미국에서 [in the assault on the Capitol] but it’s something that’s been gathering pace slowly but steadily in recent decades,” 그는 말했다.
          Despite this backdrop, Breivik’s actions and manifesto have gained limited traction, according to Ravndal.
          His analysis for C-REX indicates thatin the beginning the far-right across the board rejected him,” said Ravndal. An online support network that was established for Breivik later collapsed. It was only with the emergence of online forums like 4chan and 8chan that Breivik once again started to get positive mentions, Ravndal said.
          The main finding, all in all, both when it comes to tactics but also for political, ideological support, is that it’s been surprisingly little,” 그는 말했다. “It’s been possible to find support, but fortunately less than one might have worried about initially considering the high death toll and all the attention these attacks got globally.

          Societal impact

          오늘, the debate has shifted in parts of Norwegian society to broader ideological questions, Ravndal said.
          약간 — particularly in the youth wing of the Labour Partyfeel that there has not been a reckoning with the country’s far-right movement, the biggest player in which is the populist, right-wing Progress Party, 그는 말했다.
          Breivik had been a member of the Progress Party when he was younger but the party distanced itself from him after the attack.
          안에 joint statement published on the party’s website earlier this month, party leader Sylvi Listhaug and deputy leaders Ketil Solvik-Olsen and Terje Søviknes pushed back against any suggestion that the Progress Party was not united with other Norwegians in rejecting Breivik’s attitudes and actions.
          We must all stand together against violent extremismregardless of whether it comes from the ‘far right’, ‘far leftor extreme interpretations of religion,” 성명은 말했다. “Only the extremists will win if we exclude each other from the grief after July 22 and weaken the unity around the struggle for democracy, freedom of expression and equality.
          Labour has promised that if it wins power in elections this September, it will set up a new commission to look at radicalization.
          There is also debate about whether the attack should be interpreted as an attack on Norwegian society as a whole, or as an attack on the Labour Party specifically, Ravndal said. “오늘, some within the Labour Party perhaps feel that that part of the story has been neglected a bit.
          People stand next to the "Iron roses&인용; memorial outside Oslo Cathedral on September 28, 2019, to commemorate the 77 victims of Anders Behring Breivik's attacks.

          Feldman considers that Norway’s response was shaped by the sense that the perpetrator wasone of their own,” as were the victims, without a sense ofothernessto force a more multicultural response.
          Norway essentially asked itself this question, and it’s a very valid one‘How did Norwegian society produce such a monster?'” 그는 말했다. “It’s a very inward-looking question.
          대조적으로, 그는 말했다, New Zealand took a much more global approach as it looked at what led up to the Christchurch attacks. This was in part because Tarrant, an Australian, had targeted worshipers at mosques, many of whom were foreign-born.
          동시에, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern’s response, including wearing a hijab to meet survivors and relatives of those killed, was central in bringing all New Zealanders together in support of the victims as fellow citizens, 그는 말했다.
          Just weeks later, New Zealand collaborated with France to produce theChristchurch Call” — a commitment by governments and tech companies to eliminate terrorist and violent extremist content onlineand subsequently worked with the United States and United Nations to keep the issue on the agenda, Feldman said.
          He hopes to win further commitments to counter extremist content online at an event he is involved with in Bergen, 노르웨이, 다음 달.
          Members of the public pay their respects near Utoya Island on July 24, 2011 in Norway.

          Breivik’s ideology ‘is still out there

          Speaking to CNN earlier this month, Stoltenberg spoke of the shock he felt as he realized the scale of the horrors perpetrated by Breivikand the personal sadness it brought, since he knew many of the victims.
          He also stood by the message he delivered to the nation as it was still reeling from the July 22 공격.
          노르웨이's then-Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, 왼쪽, embraces Eskil Pedersen, leader of the Norwegian Labour Youth league and a survivor of the Utoya attack, 칠월 23, 2011.

          I still believe that our answer was the right one,” Stoltenberg told CNN. “[Breivik] wanted to attack our free, open democratic societies. So the best response is more openness, more democracy, because then we prove that he is not winning, we are winning.
          He demonstrated hatred. The best response to hatred is love. 그래서 … I really welcomed the strong message from the people of Norway, 같이 (우리) have seen also in many other countries that have been attacked, that we stand up for our values.
          That notwithstanding, Stoltenberg does not believe that Breivik has been entirely defeated.
          He is convicted, he is in prison. But his ideology, that is still out there. And therefore we need to continueI think we never will be in the position where we can say that we have won the fight, we can close the chapter fighting against extremism.
            이후 2011, Norway has implemented measures to protectas far as possibleagainst such attacks in the future, Stoltenberg said. 과, 그는 덧붙였다, Brevikwhose 21-year sentence could be extended in the future if he still poses a threathas lost in one key respect.
            We have to understand that the purpose of this attack was to change Norway fundamentally. 과 … 예, 물론이야, this will be part of Norway’s history,” 그는 말했다. “It will be part of who we are as long as we exist. But fundamentally, it has not changed who we are.

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